The Unfinished Fight “God Bless The Russians” October 2, 1863
By Craig L. Barry · Originally published March-April 2026 · pp. 18–21
THE UNFINISHED FIGHT: “GOD BLESS THE RUSSIANS” Diary of U.S. Naval Secretary Gideon Welles, October 2, 1863
During the mid-19th century, newspapers were government sought legitimacy and support from England much more widely read than they are in America and France, the Union initiated an alliance with Tsarist today. Most major cities in both the Northern and Russia. However, the reasons now seem largely lost to Southern States had several daily newspapers, and many history. Perhaps it is because of how things turned out in households held multiple subscriptions, including at least Russia during the early 20th century, after the Tsar was the morning and evening editions. Richmond alone had overthrown, or the tensions of the post-World War II four daily newspapers, and a fifth began publishing in 1863. Cold War? It’s hard to say, but this much is known about Soldiers on both sides were obviously civilians before the American history during the Civil War. In October 1863, war began and shared an interest in current events. They the Russian fleet landed in New York Harbor. eagerly awaited any and all news from home. Politics were hotly debated by officers and enlisted men around the campfire. Hence, the extent of Russian involvement with the North merits some brief discussion, if for no other reason than the need for background knowledge of world events during the Civil War era. In the context of an internal conflict, the American Civil War created some unusual political alliances, but perhaps none as unusual as the one between the Union and Tsarist Russia. The cartoon from the satirical London magazine Punch depicts Abraham Lincoln shaking hands with Russian Tsar Alexander II. In the background are scenes of carnage from a Civil War battlefield and the violent Russian response to the 1863 revolt in Poland. World politics in the mid-19th century were complicated, especially in Group of Russian sailors from the navy ship Variag during visit to New Europe. Just as the Confederate York City. (Library of Congress)
Harpers Weekly, October 17, 1863, noted that it was “for a goodwill gesture to show the world that Russia was lending support to the liberal government of the United States.” Or perhaps to dock their fleet in a secure harbor that was not ice-locked six months of the year in case war broke out again in Europe, depending on how you look at it. The irony of the situation was not lost on the New York Times, where it was noted that Russia, being an absolute monarchy, was the only such nation to “openly express sympathy to a Constitutional Government in its hour of trial.” The extravagant reception for the Russians in New York City included balls, feasts, and a parade down Broadway. The famous Manhattan restaurant Delmonico’s catered the festivities. In addition to the distinctive cut of steak still bearing their name, Delmonico’s restaurant was famous for creating dishes such as Lobster Newburg, Manhattan clam chowder, Eggs Benedict, and other recipes that have stood the test of time. The broader point here is that no one in the Lincoln administration was “counting the olives” during the celebration of the Russian visit to New York in 1863. What is not immediately clear is why this alliance was desirable or even necessary. What did Russia have to offer
the Union during the Civil War? For example, although many European military officers served on both sides, there were no significant numbers of Russian Army infantry or artillery officers in the Union ranks, at least none considered noteworthy. The U.S. Ordnance Department certainly did not need to purchase any excess Russian small arms, especially by October 1863. It is nothing but a fact that, of all the European arms makers, Russia exported fewer muskets to America than any other major military power during the U.S. Civil War. In U.S. and Confederate Arms and Armories during the American Civil War (2002) James Whisker correctly states that “There is no question that Russian arms were the least common of all imported U.S. Civil War arms.” In fact, Russia imported most of its small arms from the gunmakers in Liège, Belgium. What role did Russia play in the Union during the Civil War? One theory advanced to explain St. Petersburg’s support for the Union cause was the philosophical similarity between Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation of January 1, 1863, and the Russian abolition of serfdom in 1861. In other words, freeing the serfs in Russia was a reform similar to Lincoln’s declaration of an end to slavery (at least in the
London magazine depicts Abraham Lincoln shaking hands with Russian Tsar Alexander II. (Punch, October 24, 1863)
South). Hence, politically speaking, the two acts drew the countries together as “a force for human freedom.” This piece of modern mythology probably took hold because most of Western Europe had abandoned both serfdom and slavery well before the mid-19th century, and it sounds good. The facts do not support this theory on many levels. Simply put, the most likely political basis for the Russian/ U.S. alliance was an attempt to keep England and France from recognizing the Confederate government or otherwise entering the fray on behalf of the Southern States. Russia obviously held ill will toward the governments of both France and England due to their military defeat in the Crimean War, a bit less than a decade earlier, and in the case of France, perhaps dating back to the Napoleonic Wars. Hence, one needs to look no further; U.S. and Russian interests overlap right there. It is easy to forget how close England, in particular, came to armed conflict against the U.S. based on animosity and mutual distrust. The Trent Affair in November 1861 led to a British troop buildup in Canada and a naval buildup in Bermuda. Two Confederate envoys, Mason and Slidell, were taken off the British merchant ship Trent by a U.S. warship during a diplomatic mission to London and Paris on November 8, 1861; the London press became filled with indignation and rage, while the anti-Union group in the British cabinet saw their chance to start a Transatlantic war. It almost happened. Commercial gun-makers and other contractors in London and Birmingham were working around the clock to fill War Department orders for arms and uniforms. The Illustrated London News reported on December 28, 1861, in an article titled “Reinforcements for Canada”:
“The Tower has lately been the scene of great bustle, owing to the preparations for sending military stores to Canada. Night and day, on Sundays as well as other days, men have been engaged packing arms, clothing, and other necessaries to a great amount, which are placed on sailing-barges moored alongside the quays; the stores are taken thence down the river, and shipped on board the transports now off Deptford and Woolwich… Each soldier destined for Canada, on stepping on board of his transport, finds ready for him two pairs of woolen drawers, one jersey, two merino under-vests, two pair of worsted stockings, one comforter, one chamois leather waistcoat, one sealskin cap with ear-mufflers, one pair of sealskin mittens, one pair of Canadian boots, and one sheepskin coat.” U.S. Secretary of State William Seward threatened to “wrap the world in flames” should the British or French intercede on behalf of the Confederacy. The war of words went back and forth on both sides of the Atlantic with enough
correspondence to fill several volumes. The British were very concerned (initially) about U.S. intentions towards their colony in Canada, where their position was almost indefensible due to the small number of troops for the size of the territory. At the time, Alaska was Russian territory, so the English colony in Canada was essentially surrounded on all sides by Russia to the Northwest and the United States to the south. The most likely recourse for England in the event of an attack on Canada would have been a naval response from Bermuda on U.S. harbors. And England had already begun the build-up of warships in Bermuda. For their part, the Union was concerned about British government support for the Confederacy, which became increasingly unlikely as the war progressed. However, even as late as October 1862, the British Prime Minister planned to demand an end to the war in America, followed by diplomatic mediation, or else “…take more resolute action if the Northerners remain determined to fight.” This rhetoric may or may not have meant a strictly military response (there is considerable debate on the topic), but the alliance with Russia from a U.S. perspective ensured the governments of France and England would remain on the sidelines. No more and no less. Therefore, should the subject arise during a late-night conversation around the campfire or while imbibing mint juleps on the front porch, the amicable relationship between the U.S. and Russia did not end with the Civil War. When the Tsar found the treasury short on cash and decided to sell something that seemed useless in 1867, the U.S. Government purchased Alaska from Russia for around 2¢ per acre in 1867 in a transaction known at the time as “Seward’s Folly.” The Russians had been trying to sell Alaska since the 1850s, but there were no buyers. The purchase of Alaska looked like a good deal for the Russians, as (besides the cash) it kept the English from exerting any claims towards the territory, which was contiguous with the Yukon region in northwest British Columbia. This was considered at the time to be unduly generous to the Russians, as there were no other bidders, but it proved favorable when gold was discovered there thirty years later.
Craig L. Barry was born in Charlottesville, Va. H e holds his BA and M asters degrees from UNC (Charlotte). Craig served The Watchdog Civil War Quarterly as Associate Editor and Editor from 2003– 2017. The Watchdog published books and columns on 19th-century material. He is the author of several books including The Civil War Musket: A Handbook for Historical Accuracy (2006, 2011), The Unfinished Fight: Essays on Confederate Material Culture Vol. I and II (2012, 2013). He has also published four books in the Suppliers to the Confederacy series on English Arms & Accoutrements, Quartermaster stores and other European imports.
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